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Interview with Paruir
Hairikian
Interview conducted by Onnik Krikorian,
June 1998
Paruir Hairikian is a former soviet dissident
and Armenian presidential candidate, and is now the advisor on human
rights to the President of Armenia, Robert Kocharian.
OK: Could you please describe the function of
your role as the Presidential Advisor on Human Rights, and the role and
function of the Committee examining the basis for Constitutional Reform
in Armenia.
PH: The Committee is mainly on an advisory basis,
and unlike other similar committees functioning all over the world it
is not independent. However, there is no pressure from above - from the
President. This Committee is adjacent to the Government, and to the President.
All over the world similar committees and institutions
dealing with human rights are completely independent, but our staff and
structure is decided by the Parliament and functions under the auspices
of the Parliament.
In democratic constitutional countries human rights
is included in the constitution. Consequently, in the past we were of
the opinion that we do not need a special committee for human rights and
that the Constitutional Court, being at the highest judicial level, might
deal with these issues.
Robert Kocharian - the President - was responsible
for the initiative in founding a committee to deal with the issue of human
rights. I collaborated with the President in the election campaign on
the understanding that improvements in the level of democracy in Armenia
were promoted.
Robert Kocharian chose my candidacy to unite two
functions - human rights and constitutional reform. In this respect I
consider it a great improvement in the political life of Armenia - political
reform should be conditioned by an improvement in human rights.
The key function of this committee will be to develop
legislation in human rights, in addition to other tasks. Some fifty people
write to me every day appealing for help but not all of their complaints
fall under our remit.
OK: Are many of those appeals from ethnic minorities
or Jehovah witnesses?
PH: Jehovah Witnesses.
OK: The conscription issue?
PH: Yes, on the issue of freedom of conscience. However,
on an official level we are not against freedom of conscience but all
the citizens of Armenia have responsibilities expected of them.
OK: I have read the Amnesty International report
dealing with Jehovah Witnesses in Armenia, and the conclusion was that
whilst Amnesty was not against a policy of conscription, it did feel that
those not wishing to take up arms be given other non-combatant positions
within the military.
PH: This is a completely acceptable approach, and
those countries that manage to get to a point where human rights are so
enshrined within the constitution that the responsibility for defending
your country is compulsory but with alternative choices available, we
can really progress with human rights and democracy. I hope that we will
be in this situation in Armenia very soon.
OK: I was pleased to see, although only using
the Yezidi as a focus, that ethnic minorities seem to be free of persecution
in Armenia. However, one person did say that he believed that there were
racially motivated attacks and slurs on the Yezidi in Armenia. He felt
that that there was no legal framework in place for the protection of
minorities in the Republic of Armenia.
PH: All of the citizens of Armenia are to some extent
deprived of complete legal protection within the Republic of Armenia,
and it is true that the Yezidi are in this situation too. In many countries
there may be fanatics, but any hooligan can be referred to the authorities.
Of course, we have many jokes and anecdotes about the Yezidi but so too
about Armenians living in specific regions of the country - and these
jokes are generally more severe than the jokes about the Yezidi.
OK: However, one common complaint from virtually
every Yezidi I spoke to was with regards to their desire to have some
form of political representation within Parliament.
PH: You come from England? Is there official representation
for minorities in England?
OK: No, but it is not a very fair system anyway.
However, there are campaigns and processes with a view to the devolution
of power within Scotland, within Wales, and within Northern Ireland. And,
of course, there are Members of Parliament from the Indian community,
the Pakistani community, and the Afro-Carribean community amongst others.
PH: There are official representatives in [the British]
Parliament?
OK: Not official representatives, but people
from those ethnic minorities who have stood for election as candidates
for the mainstream political parties, and very often because of a policy
of "positive discrimination".
PH: We could allow one seat for Yezidi, two seats
for Jewish, three seats for Russians, but we would be limiting the rights
of every citizen of Armenia - which would not be acceptable. What matters
is whether an individual is a good politician. If there is a good Yezidi
politician he can stand for election.
There are different opinions on this issue in the
committee, but I think that the citizens of Armenia should enjoy equal
rights no matter what their ethnicity. Any other kind of mentality is
typical for Asian countries, Moslem countries, and developing countries.
There are many ways to show respect for minorities, but to artificially
take into the National Assembly a national minority representative without
election is a false way of showing that.
OK: To what extent are you in touch with representatives
from the minorities in Armenia?
PH: The Committee meets with minority representatives
regularly.
OK: On what level are you involved internationally
on the issue of human rights?
PH: At present I do not represent human rights issues
in the international arena. However, I do get many invitations to participate
in international conferences and seminars on human rights issues.
OK: With your history as a dissident within the
Soviet Union, and Kocharian's history as the President of a minority within
the Republic of Azerbaijan [Nagorno Karabagh], what influence has this
had on the potential for the evolution and observance of human rights
within the Republic of Armenia?
PH: It is true that I was a dissident, but my activities
and opinions today are not based on my past as a dissident. I have been
an activist in the national liberation movement and I am a political activist
now. I am in this position because of my desire to initiate constitutional
reform.
OK: It is good to hear an official in Armenia
not make themselves appear on a much higher level than they really are.
These people are very dangerous - they always assume
that they are on the top, and they believe that everyone knows that they
are on the top. I announced my candidacy in the Presidential election
because everyone knew that the old powers were standing with the assistance
of Levon Ter-Petrossian's friends. My supporters and I found in Robert
Kocharian a potential for many reforms in Armenia, and in particular for
constitutional reform. Initially I wanted to be President because I had
many ideas for constitutional reform but, apart for the sake of this issue
[constitutional reform], I do not want to be a prisoner again. A President
is a "prisoner" and I have already spent eighteen years in prisons.
I do not want to spend another four years as a prisoner. I want instead
to concentrate on my work dealing with human rights and constitutional
reform.
Now we have to prepare a change in the constitution,
and to make human rights a much larger concern in this country and to
make the government more representative of the people in three forms.
[shows diagram of the proposed constitutional and
governmental structure illustrated as a set of balancing scales]
Executive power, Legislative power, and Judicial
power. There should be a balance of all three with the people providing
the centre of that balance. If one branch of the power structure cuts
its connection with the people, then that branch will go down. It is our
main hope that we can have this democratic form of government. Politicians
should not listen to the opinions of the people just on the day of the
election, but after the election also.
In England there is a great democratic tradition
but the people are not considered equally. After the elections, half of
the people do not have any representation in Parliament. In England you
do not have a constitution.
OK: When Robert Kocharian gave his inaugural
speech he did mention that national minorities were extremely important
for the future of Armenia. It is very interesting - the national minorities
feel very much a part of Armenia, and the sort of developments that you
seek for the general Armenian population apply to them. However, I have
noticed that the Yezidi Community is split, and until a resolution is
found to the argument over whether Yezidi are Kurd or not, it is going
to be extremely difficult to address any constitutional and legal problems
that the Yezidi may face in the future.
PH: I think that is a possibility but that
they must resolve this issue themselves.
END
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