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Interview with Karlene
Chachani
Interview conducted by Onnik Krikorian,
June 1998
Dr. Karlene Chachani is a Yezidi living in Yerevan,
Armenia. He is President of the Department of the Kurdish Writers of
the Writers' Union of Armenia, and Chief Editor of "Friendship"
- an Armenian-Kurdish political Journal.
OK: I would just like to say that the Yezidi
community in Armenia is culturally fascinating, which is one of the areas
I would like to focus on, but it was Jackie Abramian's essays on the Yezidi
in Armenia that made me aware of what you consider an important issue
- that is, the definition of Yezidi or Yezidi-Kurd. I would very much
like your opinion on that, especially having already interviewed Garnik
Asatrian yesterday, and having listened to his opinion that the Yezidi
are in fact a separate nation.
KC: Garnik Asatrian is one of my best friends, and
to celebrate his 45th birthday I published an article on his life and
work in my journal ["Friendship"] but especially on Yezidi issues
- on the ideology - and on many scientific issues we are in disagreement.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the new Armenian
Government, headed by the All-Armenian Movement Party, co-operated with
other political forces to initiate a policy - a movement - to declare
the existence of the Yezidi as a separate minority within Armenia. The
movement included individuals such as Aziz Tamoyan and Sheik Hassan and
others. They became "volunteer" leaders of this new movement;
a movement which has no scientific basis, and which is fascilitated by
anti-scientific ideas. They tried to prove that the Yezidi are a separate
nationality.
As far as I am aware, Garnik Asatrian has changed
his opinion on this matter. Now he has joined another Party - Dashnakutuune
- and has been a member for two years already. Garnik Asatrian has opened
a special group in Yerevan State University, Twenty to twenty-five young
Armenian students are studying Kurdish language, Kurdish history and Kurdish
issues. I welcome Garnik Asatrian's initiative. He also has plans to open
a degree course - a Masters - in Kurdology. Garnik Asatrian speaks of
the strategic and political development in the study of the Kurdish question
in Armenia at a University level, but there is not even one word on Yezidi
issues.
This is my personal opinion on this problem. The
Kurds as an ethnic group have diversities in terms of worship. Some are
Moslem, some are Zaza, and some are Yezidi. They are ethnically Kurdish,
but have different worship groups. To make a worship group into a separate
nation has no scientific basis. There is no "Yezdistan" as a
country, no Yezdi language - there is "Kurdistan" and the Kurdish
language with all of its dialects. The Kurds are fighting a national liberation
struggle in Turkey, as you know, headed by Apo - Abdullah Ocalan [Chairman
of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)]. All layers of Kurdish ethnic nationality
are included, Yezidis as well. There is a Kurdish Parliament functioning
outside of our geographical motherland that is considered to be the most
democratic Parliament in the world. The members of the Parliament are
all Kurds but belong to different worship groups. There are Yezidi parliamentarians.
OK: What do you feel is the motivation behind
the promotion of a separate Yezidi identity?
KC: The collapse of the Soviet Union promoted revolution
- this was a revolution. During all revolutions, people and interested
groups are promoted that are trying to defend some causes for the sake
of their own benefit, and for the sake of their own interests. In the
words of an Armenian proverb, these people were "trying to catch
fish in dirty water". This cause was created on a false basis, and
the people interested in the promotion of the Yezidi issue were false
nationalists. This was not done in the interests of Armenians, in the
interests of Armenia, or in the interests of the Kurds. This was just
a falsely created cause to create a so-called national minority issue
in Armenia. I also think we can already see the involvement of external
forces, mainly from Iraq and Turkey where Kurdish problems are very acute,
in the interest of creating a Yezidi issue in Armenia to provoke two groups
of the same ethnic nationality, Yezidi and Kurds, against each other.
To see the reason why some of those of Kurdish ethnicity
declared themselves as a separate Yezidi ethnicity, we have to see the
roots in the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Nagorno Karabagh.
When the conflict started, refugees appeared - Azerbaijanis left from
Armenia, and Armenians left from Azerbaijan as a result of inter-ethnic
conflict. Azerbaijanis are Moslem, and amongst them there were mixed marriages
with Moslem Kurds, actually who are Yezidi. These people left Armenia,
not because of persecution from Armenians because they were Kurds, but
because they were married to Azerbaijanis. Those that did not want to
leave Armenia, but wanted to stay here, were afraid. They were fearful
that Armenians might remember 1915 - the Armenian Genocide - when, together
with the Turkish Army, Kurds participated in the genocide of Armenians,
and that there might be attempts to take revenge on the Kurdish population
here. Instead, many declared themselves a separate ethnic identity that
had always had close ties with Armenians, and who always defended the
Armenian cause, fighting besides Armenians for liberation.
During this revolutionary period, many representatives
of Kurdish nationalities and many Armenian scientists spoke through the
mass media, trying to show people that this was a falsely created problem,
and trying to show people that they should not give way to fear, and that
this was provoked by some interest groups. We managed to calm down people,
and there are Moslem Kurds in Armenia who live in peace with the Armenians,
and they are very happy with the conditions that the Armenian government
has created here. There is no discrimination at all. They live better
than in some layers within Armenian society.
OK: How many Moslem Kurds are left in Armenia?
KC: About 5,000.
OK: And what extent of Armenia's 50,000 Yezidi
community consider themselves to be Kurdish, and what extent feel themselves
to be a separate ethnic identity?
KC: I have said already that this is an artificial
problem raised by some interest groups. However, this artificial movement
has already received some followers. I am a scientist following this issue.
I have a PhD degree, and based on scientific research I want to assert
that in Armenia we do not have Yezidi as a separate nationality. We have
Yezidi-Kurd.
OK: But I have spoken to one Yezidi family in
Armenia who categorically state that they are in no way related to the
Kurds, and actually - and they used the word - feel hatred towards the
Kurds. They certainly considered themselves part of a separate Yezidi
nationality.
KC: I want to assure you again and again that this
is an artificial problem, Those people that assert that they are not Yezidi-Kurds,
but are Yezidi as an ethnic group, are trying to dance under the pipe
of some musician. You have a chance to visit eleven Yezidi villages in
Alagatz, and you will see that everyone from a child to an elderly person
will assert that they are Yezidi-Kurd.
OK: The Yezidi family I met that felt itself
to be part of a separate Yezidi nation showed me the newspaper "Voice
of Yezidi". In it there were photographs of Yezidi fedayi from Armenia
that fought alongside Armenians in Karabagh, and I have heard that it
was the Yezidi that were ferocious in the attempts to clear the Moslem
Kurds from Kelbajar and Lachin during 1992-3.
KC: I do not reject what you say. It is true, but
this side by side strugle in Karabagh was not undertaken by Yezidi as
a separate nation, but by Armenians and Yezidi-Kurds. The struggle against
Azerbaijan is a recent movement, but it also dates back many centuries.
It goes back to many years ago when Armenians and Kurds initiated a sustainable
movement against Turkey, and this movement has continued until today.
It also culminated in the liberation of Kelbajar. Also, during the Armenian
Genocide, many progressive-minded Kurds saved Armenians. About 60,000
Armenians were saved, and so there are many different movements if we
uncover the pages of history. We see different liberation movements with
Armenians and Kurds fighting side by side.
I am a Yezidi-Kurd, and all the intellectuals here
are Yezidi-Kurd. When Lachin was liberated Yezidi-Kurds went to Lachin
in twelve cars to celebrate the liberation of Lachin and Kelbajar. We
went there with our pipes, with davul, and we celebrated with Armenians
the liberation of Lachin. I am a writer, and at the same time a journalist,
and I have published a number of articles on Armenian Kurdish relations
and our friendship during the development of historical events. I have
undertaken a lot of research, starting since the time I defended my thesis
for my Bachelor degree and my Masters degree, and all the topics were
on Armenian Kurdish relations.
OK: Last year a US State Department Report on
the human rights situation in Armenia expressed concerns over cases of
discrimination against the Yezidi in Armenia. Given that the debate over
Yezidi and Yezidi-Kurdish identity is a political one, is there a danger
that such cases of discrimination may increase, and may even be influenced
by the issue of identity?
KC: This is a very good and reasonable question,
but please accept my answer not as a journalist, but as a human being
who has universally accepted moral principles and who bases his opinions
on those moral principles. If you publish this interview you must print
word for word my response. What I am about to say is very important.
The answer to this question will be very long. I
have written a monograph of about 200 pages based on scientific research
around this issue. For now though, I want to be brief. When Soviet power
was established in Armenia there were 8,560 Yezidi Kurds in Armenia. At
that same time the policy of the Communists was the same in Armenia as
that in Azerbaijan and in Georgia. From official information, in Azerbaijan
there were about 50,000 Kurds, but unofficially the numbers were betwen
200-300,000 Azeri Moslem Kurds.
After 1920 based upon population census figures the
number of Kurds in Armenia [OK note: Azerbaijan?] increased up to 260,000.
From 1979 census figures in Azerbaijan implied that there was not even
one Kurd - all had been assimilated. In the 1930s Azerbaijan abolished
the autonomous region of "Red Kurdistan" between Karabagh and
Armenia. In terms of discrimination against the Yezidi in Armenia, calling
them illiterate, this is true, but was true for the 1920's, and periodically
the Armenian Government, the Central Communist Party, and the Ministry
of Education, passed resolutions according to which a campaign was started
to educate the Kurds. Kurdish schools were opened in order to raise the
educational standard and literacy of the Kurds.
We should not try to deceive ourselves. The policy
of the Communist Party was the same in all of the Caucasian republics,
but the approaches and the results were different. In Armenia, the attitude
towards the Kurds was based on the friendship between two nations, and
the government had a great contribution in the development of the Kurds.
Progressive minded Armenian intellectuals were fighting for the Kurdish
cause. These progressive minded intellectuals tried to raise the status
of the Kurds, and to bring a greater literacy.
Before 1930s there was not one Kurdish intellectual.
Afterwards, we managed to develop a layer of Kurdish intellectuals, but
only because of this involvement by Armenian intellectuals. Kurds as intellectuals
appeared. "Riya Taza" was first published in the 1930s, A Kurdish
transcaucasian college was opened in Yerevan, Kurdish schools were opened
in all the villages, text books and literature were published in Kurdish.
In 1934, a branch of Kurdish Writers was founded in the Writers Union
of Armenia. I have been the head of this branch for 32 years. I think
that in Armenia, Kurdish cultural autonomy exists already. Armenia is
the only country in the world where Kurds can realise their intellectual,
physical and cultural potential. We have a theatre, a radio programme,
and indeed, every kind of cultural autonomy has been realised. Any problems
that we have faced have been the same problems that Armenia as a whole
has faced as a result of the economic collapse.
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